| |
The
following are articles from Andrew Fiala in various publications and
websites ....
2007-March-30
from Common Dreams
(see
their online version and reader comments)
Seeing
the Suffering We Cause
The
South Carolina legislature is still considering a bill–passed by
the State Assembly last week–that would require those who want
abortions to see an ultrasound image of the fetus to be aborted.
This proposal reminds us of the importance of seeing what we do.
It is a good idea to make sure that the consequences of all of our
actions are made visible. To make good judgments we need all the
information we can get.
However,
while it might seem reasonable that women should have to fully
face what they are choosing to do in having an abortion, such a
requirement is unfair. No one else is forced to confront images
that show the consequences of what we do. But perhaps we would all
be better off if we were completely honest about the suffering we
cause.
Our
daily lives are built upon a foundation of suffering, although our
culture protects us from seeing it. To see, on a daily basis, the
suffering caused by our lifestyle choices would be unbearable to
many of us; but it might force us to change our ways. Imagine for
a moment what life would be like if we were forced to confront the
suffering that we cause every day.
Let’s
begin with the most obvious example: war. Perhaps we should be
required to see the death and destruction of the wars we support.
Images of flag-draped coffins are not enough. We should be
required to see the battle scenes, the carnage, and the
dismembered bodies. Indeed, perhaps we should also be required to
hear the screams of those killed and wounded. This should not only
focus on our own dead and wounded soldiers. We should also be
required to see the mutilated bodies and hear the dying cries of
the women and children killed in the wars we fight. At the very
least, these images should be on the front page of the newspaper
and in the national news everyday. But a more forceful measure
might require citizens to review the year’s casualties—perhaps
via a DVD provided by the IRS—at tax time, since those taxes pay
for war.
Maybe
we should also be required to see the carnage of the
slaughterhouse. Every package of hamburger sold in the supermarket
should have on its label a series of photos that shows the process
through which the cow is butchered. Fast food restaurants should
have to display pictures of headless chickens with their necks
draining blood next to the pictures of tasty chicken nuggets for
sale. And in fancier restaurants, each menu should include
pictures that show how veal or sausage is made.
A
further proposal might require people who use cosmetics or
medicines that are tested on animals to watch a video that shows
how these products were tested. Women who use mascara or eye
make-up should be forced to watch animals being slowly blinded by
the application of these substances directly to their eyes. At the
very least, drug companies should be required to disclose on
medicine bottles the numbers of animals who were tortured and
killed during the process of research and development.
We
might also demand that citizens be shown images from crime scenes
and prisons. The news should contain explicit images of murder,
rape, and assault. That way we would know why we need to punish
criminals. The news should also include regular updates about the
living conditions of those in prison. In this way, we would know
whether prisoners are actually being punished or whether they are
really only watching TV and lifting weights. Finally, when
prisoners are executed, the news should be required to show the
prisoner’s march to the gurney and the process by which the
lethal drip ends his life.
In
considering these examples, I am not suggesting that any of these
practices are wrong or right. It takes quite a lot of deep thought
to argue that war, meat-eating and animal testing, the death
penalty, or abortion are right or wrong. To reach good conclusions
about these tough practices, we need detailed knowledge about
them. But for the most part we lack this knowledge because the
“wet work” happens behind closed doors, where we cannot see it
or judge it.
Full
disclosure is always helpful in making better judgments. However,
unless we are willing to disclose the horrors of all of our
practices, it certainly seems hypocritical to single pregnant
women out for this sort of treatment. |
2006-Sept-23
in the Fresno Bee
Philosophy,
the Pope and Interfaith Dialogue
The
furor over Pope Benedict XVI's recent use of a text that appears to
condemn Islam is a fascinating example of what happens when ideas
are taken out of context.
I'm
not Catholic. But as a philosopher, I have an interest in defending
free-ranging philosophical discourse.
Indeed,
philosophers have often been misrepresented and maligned by those
who are more interested in power than in truth.
Socrates
was killed when his ideas were taken out of context and used against
him. The same callousness and ignorance is now being directed at
Benedict.
Now,
one might argue that since Benedict is the Pope, he is not free to
engage in philosophical discourse and that he must be more careful
with his words. There is some truth to this.
But
when one looks at the lecture that is the focal point of this
controversy, it is clear that Benedict was doing philosophy. He was
engaged in a free-ranging consideration of a very large and
complicated problem.
In the
space of several pages, Benedict quotes the Bible and the medieval
text that appears to condemn Islam. He also refers to Socrates,
Augustine, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, Islamic theologian Ibn Hazn and
Kant. And he discusses more recent developments in philosophy,
theology and the natural sciences.
The
remarks about Islam are really tangential to the larger theme of his
lecture.
It is
unfortunate that this larger theme is not the real focus of current
discussion, because it is truly important for creating interfaith
dialogue.
Benedict's
general thesis is that the serious study of theology is the key to
interreligious dialogue. Substantial knowledge of the history of
philosophy, theology and religion is required to unpack the
arguments that are made in support of this thesis. But the basic
argument can be summarized as follows.
First,
Benedict claims that God is reasonable. It is in this context that
he claims that God would not approve of holy war. A reasonable God
wants humans to use reason — not holy war — to defend him.
Second,
Benedict claims that the modern world has forgotten this basic claim
about the reasonableness of God. Benedict claims that modern culture
puts reason in opposition to faith.
He
lays much of the blame for this on the German Enlightenment
philosopher Kant. But he also blames the modern sciences for the
idea that the empirical method is the only method for finding the
truth.
Third,
Benedict claims that the only true basis for ethics or for a genuine
human community is an approach that allows for a synthesis of both
faith and reason. This synthesis is grounded in faith in a
benevolent God who gave human beings the capacity to discover the
truths of ethics.
Benedict's
lecture concludes with the claim that a more serious effort at
combining reason and faith is the key to intercultural dialogue.
These
are important ideas that require careful and extended reflection. I
should admit that I do not agree with all that Benedict says. But
philosophical disagreement must engage an argument directly without
misrepresenting it.
Unfortunately,
respectful philosophical debate does not serve politicians and the
media, who focus on provocative claims in order to create a stir.
This
controversy reminds us that Benedict is right about the fact that
reason is required to make progress in a world of diversity.
We
need to give up holy war and focus on creating mutual understanding.
We need fewer sound-bites and more reflection; less contention and more
conversation. |
2006-July-6
from Stanford Encyclopedia Of
Philosophy (read
the entire online version) too
lengthy for full article here
Pacifism
2006-Feb
from Studies In The History Of
Ethics (read
the entire online version) too
lengthy for full article here
The Vanity of Temporal Things:
Hegel and the Ethics of War
2006-Jan-16
from San Francisco Chronicle
(see
their online version)
King
Preached Non-Violence, Too
It is
remarkable that the United States has a holiday celebrating an
advocate of nonviolence such as the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. To
critics, the real American spirit is on display during our military
holidays: Veterans Day, Memorial Day and the Fourth of July. The
alternative voice of nonviolence is rarely heard in a culture that
celebrates war. Thus, it is surprising that we honor a pacifist such
as King, who was inspired by Jesus, Tolstoy and Gandhi.
It may
be that we only remember King as an advocate of racial equality. But
we would do well to remember that racial oppression and violence are
two sides of the same coin. King was as vocal an opponent of war as
he was of racism.
Some
may think that pacifism means acquiescing to the status quo. But
King reminds us that peace is connected with justice. Nonviolence
requires creative and cooperative work. It also requires great
spiritual strength to confront violence and injustice with patience
and love. Unlike those who advocate the idea of a just war in which
we kill in the name of justice, King thought that the means for
creating justice had to be nonviolent -- as he stated in his 1964
Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech: "Nonviolence is the answer
to the crucial political and moral question of our time -- the need
for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to
violence and oppression."
It is
important to remember this message as the nation continues to fight
the war on terrorism. We tend to think that military power can solve
the world's problems. But pacifists remind us that there are
alternatives. In explaining his opposition to the war in Vietnam,
King equated his struggles against racial oppression with the
struggle to end the war. Both struggles were based upon the idea
that all men are brothers. King said: "We are called to speak
for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation, for
those it calls 'enemy,' for no document from human hands can make
these humans any less our brothers."
King's
philosophy of nonviolence is linked to the faith that suffering will
be redeemed. King said that "unearned suffering is
redemptive." From this perspective, the fear that incites
violence is dissipated. Advocates of nonviolence are willing to
suffer and even die in pursuit of a just cause, but they are
unwilling to inflict violence upon others. They also trust that
nonviolence will be rewarded in the long run. King grounded his
philosophy of nonviolence in the model of Jesus, who told Peter to
put away his sword and who allowed himself to be crucified. As the
Russian pacifist Tolstoy claimed, the essence of the Christian
Gospel was not to return evil for evil.
For
King, the guiding principle of nonviolence is Christian love. King
says that love means that all life is interrelated and all men are
brothers. "Because men are brothers, if you harm me, you harm
yourself." This approach is often seen as naive and utopian. It
seems better simply to kill the bad guys in pursuit of justice. This
is the basic idea behind the death penalty. It is also the guiding
principle of the wars we fight. The worry is that if we do not fight
evil with real weapons, the bad guys will win. But for advocates of
nonviolence such as King, the point is not simply to win a fight.
Victory without love, reconciliation and justice is fruitless. There
are goods to be obtained that are infinitely higher than the good of
victory.
When
King's house was bombed, his supporters wanted violence and revenge.
But King advocated nonviolence. He told his friends, "He who
lives by the sword will perish by the sword. Remember that is what
Jesus said. We are not advocating violence. We want to love our
enemies. I want you to love your enemies. Be good to them. This is
what we must live by. We must meet hate with love."
Such
ideas need to be remembered as we continue to fight and prepare for
war. Even if it is only one day out of the year when we think about
the power of nonviolence, this one day should remind us that there
are alternatives to war. It should give hope to those who despair of
growing American militarism. Americans do recognize the power of
King's message, even though we do not take it as seriously as we
should. |
2005-Sept-10
from Fresno Bee
Let's
Define Our Terms of War Carefully
As we
commemorate the fourth anniversary of Sept. 11, it is time to give
up the confused rhetoric of the war on terrorism.
The
Pentagon appears to recognize this. General Richard Myers and
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld have recently avoided the term
"war on terrorism." They now claim that we are engaged in
a struggle against "violent extremism." Perhaps Secretary
Rumsfeld and General Myers are using this term because they
acknowledge that attacks on military targets cannot properly be
called terrorism. This improved use of language should be applauded.
Confusion
about terminology leads to bad policy. The Sept. 11 attacks were
linked to Iraq under the general idea of the war on terrorism. It is
time to end this confusion. Iraq had nothing to do with the Sept. 11
attacks. The battle we should be fighting in Iraq is one to create
order in a society that we destabilized. It may be that the best way
to stabilize Iraq is to keep American forces there. But that is a
question of strategy. And good strategy requires clear thinking.
Dubious
idea
Unfortunately,
President Bush confuses the issue by continuing to invoke the
dubious idea of the war on terror. At a recent speech in Idaho, Bush
pledged to win the war on terror by continuing to fight in Iraq. He
said, "The only way to defend our citizens where we live is to
go after the terrorists where they live." And he concluded,
"So long as I am president, we will stay, we will fight, and we
will win the war on terror." Such rhetoric has been repeated ad
nauseam during the past four years. Undoubtedly it will be repeated
again on Sunday.
This
is not to say we shouldn't fight terrorism. Terrorism is
systematically random violence that aims to create fear in a target
population. Terrorists instill fear by refusing to make a
distinction between legitimate military targets and innocent
noncombatants. Terrorists thus explode bombs in public places like
buses and subways killing anyone who is in the vicinity, including
children. Terror insinuates itself when everyone — including
children — has something to fear. This is why terrorism is wrong.
Those who deliberately kill the innocent should be condemned as
evil; and they should be resisted with force, if necessary.
However,
violence that is used against those who might expect to be targeted
is not, properly speaking, terrorism. Military personnel take on
special duties and responsibilities that give them reason to expect
to be targets of violence. This is why they carry guns: They are in
the business of controlling and responding to violence. Those who
proudly wear the uniform and insignia of the military are
representatives of political power. Enemies who oppose political
power can be expected to strike military targets.
Complex
tool
Attacks
on military targets are not always justifiable. The just war
tradition is a complex tool that helps us decide when attacks on
military targets are justified. But it is a mistake to say that
attacks on military targets are terrorism. Such attacks are not
random and they do not intentionally harm the innocent. Rather, such
attacks are deliberately aimed at those who wear the uniform. Thus
it is better to locate such attacks under the general category of
insurgency or guerilla warfare. For example, the recent attacks on
U.S. warships in Jordan were not terrorism, while the London subway
bombings were.
Of
course, there is terrorism in Iraq: Innocents are sometimes
deliberately targeted. And militants have streamed into Iraq since
we invaded. But we should differentiate among types of attacks so
that we can make better judgments about the proper strategic
response.
The
just war tradition tells us that the morality of war depends upon
the reasons for fighting. These reasons determine the strategies
that can legitimately be employed. A good reason for keeping
American troops in Iraq is that we have an obligation to create
order in a country we invaded. But it is disingenuous to claim that
we must fight the insurgency there in order to prevent terrorism
here.
Be
clear
As we
commemorate those who were slaughtered four years ago, we should not
abuse their memory by falsely linking Sept. 11 with the war in Iraq.
And let's be clear about why we are fighting in Iraq. One of the
best ways to support the troops would be to abandon the facile idea
of the war on terrorism. Then we might have an honest discussion of
our goals and strategies, including I hope, an exit strategy. |
|
|