The following are articles from Andrew Fiala in various publications and websites ....

 

 

2007-March-30 from Common Dreams (see their online version and reader comments)

Seeing the Suffering We Cause

The South Carolina legislature is still considering a bill–passed by the State Assembly last week–that would require those who want abortions to see an ultrasound image of the fetus to be aborted. This proposal reminds us of the importance of seeing what we do. It is a good idea to make sure that the consequences of all of our actions are made visible. To make good judgments we need all the information we can get.

However, while it might seem reasonable that women should have to fully face what they are choosing to do in having an abortion, such a requirement is unfair. No one else is forced to confront images that show the consequences of what we do. But perhaps we would all be better off if we were completely honest about the suffering we cause.

Our daily lives are built upon a foundation of suffering, although our culture protects us from seeing it. To see, on a daily basis, the suffering caused by our lifestyle choices would be unbearable to many of us; but it might force us to change our ways. Imagine for a moment what life would be like if we were forced to confront the suffering that we cause every day.

Let’s begin with the most obvious example: war. Perhaps we should be required to see the death and destruction of the wars we support. Images of flag-draped coffins are not enough. We should be required to see the battle scenes, the carnage, and the dismembered bodies. Indeed, perhaps we should also be required to hear the screams of those killed and wounded. This should not only focus on our own dead and wounded soldiers. We should also be required to see the mutilated bodies and hear the dying cries of the women and children killed in the wars we fight. At the very least, these images should be on the front page of the newspaper and in the national news everyday. But a more forceful measure might require citizens to review the year’s casualties—perhaps via a DVD provided by the IRS—at tax time, since those taxes pay for war.

Maybe we should also be required to see the carnage of the slaughterhouse. Every package of hamburger sold in the supermarket should have on its label a series of photos that shows the process through which the cow is butchered. Fast food restaurants should have to display pictures of headless chickens with their necks draining blood next to the pictures of tasty chicken nuggets for sale. And in fancier restaurants, each menu should include pictures that show how veal or sausage is made.

A further proposal might require people who use cosmetics or medicines that are tested on animals to watch a video that shows how these products were tested. Women who use mascara or eye make-up should be forced to watch animals being slowly blinded by the application of these substances directly to their eyes. At the very least, drug companies should be required to disclose on medicine bottles the numbers of animals who were tortured and killed during the process of research and development.

We might also demand that citizens be shown images from crime scenes and prisons. The news should contain explicit images of murder, rape, and assault. That way we would know why we need to punish criminals. The news should also include regular updates about the living conditions of those in prison. In this way, we would know whether prisoners are actually being punished or whether they are really only watching TV and lifting weights. Finally, when prisoners are executed, the news should be required to show the prisoner’s march to the gurney and the process by which the lethal drip ends his life.

In considering these examples, I am not suggesting that any of these practices are wrong or right. It takes quite a lot of deep thought to argue that war, meat-eating and animal testing, the death penalty, or abortion are right or wrong. To reach good conclusions about these tough practices, we need detailed knowledge about them. But for the most part we lack this knowledge because the “wet work” happens behind closed doors, where we cannot see it or judge it.

Full disclosure is always helpful in making better judgments. However, unless we are willing to disclose the horrors of all of our practices, it certainly seems hypocritical to single pregnant women out for this sort of treatment.

 

2006-Sept-23 in the Fresno Bee

Philosophy, the Pope and Interfaith Dialogue

The furor over Pope Benedict XVI's recent use of a text that appears to condemn Islam is a fascinating example of what happens when ideas are taken out of context.

I'm not Catholic. But as a philosopher, I have an interest in defending free-ranging philosophical discourse.

Indeed, philosophers have often been misrepresented and maligned by those who are more interested in power than in truth.

Socrates was killed when his ideas were taken out of context and used against him. The same callousness and ignorance is now being directed at Benedict.

Now, one might argue that since Benedict is the Pope, he is not free to engage in philosophical discourse and that he must be more careful with his words. There is some truth to this.

But when one looks at the lecture that is the focal point of this controversy, it is clear that Benedict was doing philosophy. He was engaged in a free-ranging consideration of a very large and complicated problem.

In the space of several pages, Benedict quotes the Bible and the medieval text that appears to condemn Islam. He also refers to Socrates, Augustine, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, Islamic theologian Ibn Hazn and Kant. And he discusses more recent developments in philosophy, theology and the natural sciences.

The remarks about Islam are really tangential to the larger theme of his lecture.

It is unfortunate that this larger theme is not the real focus of current discussion, because it is truly important for creating interfaith dialogue.

Benedict's general thesis is that the serious study of theology is the key to interreligious dialogue. Substantial knowledge of the history of philosophy, theology and religion is required to unpack the arguments that are made in support of this thesis. But the basic argument can be summarized as follows.

First, Benedict claims that God is reasonable. It is in this context that he claims that God would not approve of holy war. A reasonable God wants humans to use reason — not holy war — to defend him.

Second, Benedict claims that the modern world has forgotten this basic claim about the reasonableness of God. Benedict claims that modern culture puts reason in opposition to faith.

He lays much of the blame for this on the German Enlightenment philosopher Kant. But he also blames the modern sciences for the idea that the empirical method is the only method for finding the truth.

Third, Benedict claims that the only true basis for ethics or for a genuine human community is an approach that allows for a synthesis of both faith and reason. This synthesis is grounded in faith in a benevolent God who gave human beings the capacity to discover the truths of ethics.

Benedict's lecture concludes with the claim that a more serious effort at combining reason and faith is the key to intercultural dialogue.

These are important ideas that require careful and extended reflection. I should admit that I do not agree with all that Benedict says. But philosophical disagreement must engage an argument directly without misrepresenting it.

Unfortunately, respectful philosophical debate does not serve politicians and the media, who focus on provocative claims in order to create a stir.

This controversy reminds us that Benedict is right about the fact that reason is required to make progress in a world of diversity.

We need to give up holy war and focus on creating mutual understanding. We need fewer sound-bites and more reflection; less contention and more conversation.

 

2006-July-6 from Stanford Encyclopedia Of Philosophy (read the entire online version) too lengthy for full article here

Pacifism 

 

2006-Feb from Studies In The History Of Ethics (read the entire online version) too lengthy for full article here

The Vanity of Temporal Things: 
Hegel and the Ethics of War

 

2006-Jan-16 from San Francisco Chronicle (see their online version)

King Preached Non-Violence, Too

It is remarkable that the United States has a holiday celebrating an advocate of nonviolence such as the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. To critics, the real American spirit is on display during our military holidays: Veterans Day, Memorial Day and the Fourth of July. The alternative voice of nonviolence is rarely heard in a culture that celebrates war. Thus, it is surprising that we honor a pacifist such as King, who was inspired by Jesus, Tolstoy and Gandhi.

It may be that we only remember King as an advocate of racial equality. But we would do well to remember that racial oppression and violence are two sides of the same coin. King was as vocal an opponent of war as he was of racism.

Some may think that pacifism means acquiescing to the status quo. But King reminds us that peace is connected with justice. Nonviolence requires creative and cooperative work. It also requires great spiritual strength to confront violence and injustice with patience and love. Unlike those who advocate the idea of a just war in which we kill in the name of justice, King thought that the means for creating justice had to be nonviolent -- as he stated in his 1964 Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech: "Nonviolence is the answer to the crucial political and moral question of our time -- the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to violence and oppression."

It is important to remember this message as the nation continues to fight the war on terrorism. We tend to think that military power can solve the world's problems. But pacifists remind us that there are alternatives. In explaining his opposition to the war in Vietnam, King equated his struggles against racial oppression with the struggle to end the war. Both struggles were based upon the idea that all men are brothers. King said: "We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation, for those it calls 'enemy,' for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers."

King's philosophy of nonviolence is linked to the faith that suffering will be redeemed. King said that "unearned suffering is redemptive." From this perspective, the fear that incites violence is dissipated. Advocates of nonviolence are willing to suffer and even die in pursuit of a just cause, but they are unwilling to inflict violence upon others. They also trust that nonviolence will be rewarded in the long run. King grounded his philosophy of nonviolence in the model of Jesus, who told Peter to put away his sword and who allowed himself to be crucified. As the Russian pacifist Tolstoy claimed, the essence of the Christian Gospel was not to return evil for evil.

For King, the guiding principle of nonviolence is Christian love. King says that love means that all life is interrelated and all men are brothers. "Because men are brothers, if you harm me, you harm yourself." This approach is often seen as naive and utopian. It seems better simply to kill the bad guys in pursuit of justice. This is the basic idea behind the death penalty. It is also the guiding principle of the wars we fight. The worry is that if we do not fight evil with real weapons, the bad guys will win. But for advocates of nonviolence such as King, the point is not simply to win a fight. Victory without love, reconciliation and justice is fruitless. There are goods to be obtained that are infinitely higher than the good of victory.

When King's house was bombed, his supporters wanted violence and revenge. But King advocated nonviolence. He told his friends, "He who lives by the sword will perish by the sword. Remember that is what Jesus said. We are not advocating violence. We want to love our enemies. I want you to love your enemies. Be good to them. This is what we must live by. We must meet hate with love."

Such ideas need to be remembered as we continue to fight and prepare for war. Even if it is only one day out of the year when we think about the power of nonviolence, this one day should remind us that there are alternatives to war. It should give hope to those who despair of growing American militarism. Americans do recognize the power of King's message, even though we do not take it as seriously as we should.

 

2005-Sept-10 from Fresno Bee

Let's Define Our Terms of War Carefully

As we commemorate the fourth anniversary of Sept. 11, it is time to give up the confused rhetoric of the war on terrorism.

The Pentagon appears to recognize this. General Richard Myers and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld have recently avoided the term "war on terrorism." They now claim that we are engaged in a struggle against "violent extremism." Perhaps Secretary Rumsfeld and General Myers are using this term because they acknowledge that attacks on military targets cannot properly be called terrorism. This improved use of language should be applauded.

Confusion about terminology leads to bad policy. The Sept. 11 attacks were linked to Iraq under the general idea of the war on terrorism. It is time to end this confusion. Iraq had nothing to do with the Sept. 11 attacks. The battle we should be fighting in Iraq is one to create order in a society that we destabilized. It may be that the best way to stabilize Iraq is to keep American forces there. But that is a question of strategy. And good strategy requires clear thinking.

Dubious idea

Unfortunately, President Bush confuses the issue by continuing to invoke the dubious idea of the war on terror. At a recent speech in Idaho, Bush pledged to win the war on terror by continuing to fight in Iraq. He said, "The only way to defend our citizens where we live is to go after the terrorists where they live." And he concluded, "So long as I am president, we will stay, we will fight, and we will win the war on terror." Such rhetoric has been repeated ad nauseam during the past four years. Undoubtedly it will be repeated again on Sunday.

This is not to say we shouldn't fight terrorism. Terrorism is systematically random violence that aims to create fear in a target population. Terrorists instill fear by refusing to make a distinction between legitimate military targets and innocent noncombatants. Terrorists thus explode bombs in public places like buses and subways killing anyone who is in the vicinity, including children. Terror insinuates itself when everyone — including children — has something to fear. This is why terrorism is wrong. Those who deliberately kill the innocent should be condemned as evil; and they should be resisted with force, if necessary.

However, violence that is used against those who might expect to be targeted is not, properly speaking, terrorism. Military personnel take on special duties and responsibilities that give them reason to expect to be targets of violence. This is why they carry guns: They are in the business of controlling and responding to violence. Those who proudly wear the uniform and insignia of the military are representatives of political power. Enemies who oppose political power can be expected to strike military targets.

Complex tool

Attacks on military targets are not always justifiable. The just war tradition is a complex tool that helps us decide when attacks on military targets are justified. But it is a mistake to say that attacks on military targets are terrorism. Such attacks are not random and they do not intentionally harm the innocent. Rather, such attacks are deliberately aimed at those who wear the uniform. Thus it is better to locate such attacks under the general category of insurgency or guerilla warfare. For example, the recent attacks on U.S. warships in Jordan were not terrorism, while the London subway bombings were.

Of course, there is terrorism in Iraq: Innocents are sometimes deliberately targeted. And militants have streamed into Iraq since we invaded. But we should differentiate among types of attacks so that we can make better judgments about the proper strategic response.

The just war tradition tells us that the morality of war depends upon the reasons for fighting. These reasons determine the strategies that can legitimately be employed. A good reason for keeping American troops in Iraq is that we have an obligation to create order in a country we invaded. But it is disingenuous to claim that we must fight the insurgency there in order to prevent terrorism here.

Be clear

As we commemorate those who were slaughtered four years ago, we should not abuse their memory by falsely linking Sept. 11 with the war in Iraq. And let's be clear about why we are fighting in Iraq. One of the best ways to support the troops would be to abandon the facile idea of the war on terrorism. Then we might have an honest discussion of our goals and strategies, including I hope, an exit strategy.